Serious risks to the world economy can come from excess debt. In the advanced economies public debt is generally safe, and has been falling. Private debt increases in the advanced economies are less worrying now we have a better capitalised banking system than in 2007. Asset price inflation has been mainly in equity markets, and as we saw with the collapse of the dotcom bubble, this is not a massive problem when it is reversed. There are always risks, but they do not look excessive.
Removing exchange rate volatility encourages trade and investment, and this gain outweighs any costs for most countries. The euro cements this gain. It also removes power from local elites who use devaluation to their advantage, in part to avoid difficult decisions on structural change. Reducing expected volatility is the core reason for having a currency area. It has produced benefits, but perhaps some countries joined before they were ready.
Membership of the Euro has both benefits and costs. For most countries the benefits from reducing barriers should outweigh the cost of losing exchange rate adjustment as a tool in extreme circumstances. Countries whose real exchange rate is affected by other factors than the rest may be better off outside whilst fixing their exchange rate to the euro for the short term. Commodity producers such as Norway (who are not in the EU) may benefit from this. So could the least advanced southern countries whilst they catch up with the rest of the EU.
Question 2: Do you agree that the different behaviour of UK real wages relative to Eurozone wages during the Great Recession is in large part due to the UK having different labour market policies?
Different labour market policies are only a part of the explanation of lower real wage growth in the UK than in Germany or France. Employment growth has been more rapid in the UK than in either France of Germany in the last decade, and real wages have fallen both relative to others and relative to the past. This would suggest a movement of the supply curve along a demand curve. If wages had not been flexible we might have seen more unemployment, and less labour force growth. The latter would have come from lower participation and from less inward migration. However, if the new labour had the same characteristics as the existing labour (skills, attitudes) we would expect to see an increase in the capital stock. If the increase in labour supply had been anticipated, then capital may have increased with labour, if the increase was not anticipated, the increase in capital would follow, generating demand. We have not seen an increase in the capital stock of anywhere near the needed proportions . This could be because the new labour is less useful, or because managerial incentives are holding back investment in favour of dividends. Both may matter. It is more likely that investment has been held back by the risk, and now the certainty that the UK would leave the Single Market. This will probably reduce productivity by six per cent as compared to where it would otherwise have been, and some of this we may have already seen,
Recent wage growth needs to be compared both to the past and to other countries. German real wage growth was very low in the decade to 2007 (competitive devaluation by wage moderation was the description) and equilibrium unemployment fell noticeably, and employment rose. The post 2007 period saw positive real wage growth in Germany, albeit moderated by tight fiscal policy. The pre 2007 period in the UK saw uncompetitive wage growth (and balance of payments deficits), buoyed up by expansionary fiscal policy. Some wage moderation in the UK was inevitable once competitiveness pressures began to bite. However, real wage growth has been exceptionally low in the UK, but without that employment growth would have been lower and immigration less.
The CFM surveys informs the public about the views held by prominent economists based in Europe on important macroeconomic and public policy questions. Some surveys focus specifically on the UK economy (as the CFM is a UK research centre), but surveys can in principle focus on any macroeconomic question for any region. The surveys shed light on the extent to which there is agreement or disagreement among these experts. An important motivation for the survey is to give a more comprehensive overview of the beliefs held by economists and in particular to include the views of those economists whose opinions are not frequently heard in public debates.
Questions mainly focus on macroeconomic and public policy topics. Although there are some questions that focus specifically on the UK economy, the setup of the survey is much broader and considers questions related to other countries/regions and also considers questions not tied to a specific economy.
The surveys are done in collaboration with the Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR).
Global risks from rising debt and asset prices
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Question 1: Does the world economy face heightened risks arising from an excess of public and private debt and/or inflated asset prices?
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Juncker's State of the Union Address
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Question 2: Do you agree that the euro has had more benefits than costs?
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Question 1; Do you agree that euro membership should be compulsory for all EU member states?
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Wages and economic recoveries
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Question 2: Do you agree that the different behaviour of UK real wages relative to Eurozone wages during the Great Recession is in large part due to the UK having different labour market policies?
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Question 1: Do you agree that lower real wage growth was beneficial for employment levels during the Great Recession?
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